Jonah Goldberg: Donald Trump isn’t a dictator, but his goal may actually be worse
**The Enduring Legacy of Julius Caesar: A Cautionary Tale on Dictatorship and Emergency Powers**
Julius Caesar, a pivotal figure in Roman history, continues to influence modern governance and language, with terms like “dictator” tracing their origins back to his reign. Initially, the title was granted by the Roman Senate during crises, typically for a limited duration of six months. However, Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon River marked a turning point; he was appointed dictator first for 11 days and later for ten years, ultimately being declared dictator for life. This unprecedented consolidation of power set a precedent that would haunt republics for centuries, giving rise to the term “Caesarism,” which embodies the dangers of unchecked authority. While the founders of the United States were aware of this historical context, they also recognized that extraordinary powers might be necessary during real emergencies.
In contemporary America, the concept of dictatorship has evolved, often stripped of its initial connotation of a temporary problem-solver. During the Great Depression, for instance, some Americans sought a “mild species of dictatorship” to navigate the economic turmoil, with prominent figures advocating for strong leadership. However, the rise of totalitarian figures like Hitler and Stalin tarnished the term, transforming it into a symbol of oppression rather than a means of crisis management. Today, the debate around emergency powers continues, exemplified by actions taken by recent presidents. For instance, former President Trump declared a trade imbalance a national emergency, leveraging the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose tariffs without congressional approval. Such instances raise critical questions about the nature of emergencies and the potential for abuse of power, echoing Franklin’s warning that republics fail not merely due to tyrants but also because of the complacency of those who enable them.
As we reflect on the lessons from Caesar’s era, it becomes clear that while emergency powers can be essential for navigating crises, they also pose significant risks. The founders designed the U.S. Constitution to limit such powers, understanding the delicate balance between effective governance and the preservation of liberty. In the modern context, it is crucial for citizens and lawmakers alike to remain vigilant against the allure of granting unchecked power under the guise of emergencies. As history has shown, the path to Caesarism often begins with well-intentioned decisions that prioritize expediency over accountability, reminding us that a republic is only as strong as its commitment to safeguarding against tyranny.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fz6KhBWdmF8
Julius Caesar still casts a long shadow. We have a 12-month calendar — and leap year — thanks to Julius. July is named after him (though the salad isn’t). The words czar and kaiser, now mostly out of use, simply meant “Caesar.”
We also can thank Caesar for the durability of the term “dictator.” He wasn’t the first Roman dictator, just the most infamous one. In the Roman Republic, the title and authority of “
dictator
” was occasionally granted by the Senate to an individual to deal with a big problem or emergency. Usually, the term would last no more than six months — shorter if the crisis was dealt with — because the Romans detested anything that smacked of monarchy.
When Caesar crossed the
Rubicon
(where we get that phrase) his enemies in the Senate fled. So, the remaining senators named him dictator for 11 days to hold fresh elections. His second dictatorship was set for 10 years, and then finally he was named dictator for life.
In the centuries that followed
Caesarism
, not
dictatorship
, was the real dirty word, at least for lovers of liberty.
Even in America, dictator held onto some of that “emergency problem-solver” connotation. During the Great Depression, many Americans craved just such a man. Legendary liberal columnist Walter Lippmann wrote at the dawn of the Great Depression, “A mild species of dictatorship will help us over the roughest spots in the road ahead.”
On FDR’s Inauguration Day 1933, the New York Herald-Tribune ran an approving headline: “For Dictatorship If Necessary.” Many
aides
and Cabinet secretaries were
dubbed
“
dictators
” in much the same way we sometimes call officials “
czars
” — as in drug czars, border czars, even “
green jobs czar
,” etc.
Later it was Hitler and Stalin who erased most of the “Mr. Fix-it” connotation of “dictator.”
But the real cautionary tale was there from the beginning. Dictatorship — the granting of unchecked powers during a temporary emergency — is what makes
Caesarism
possible. By giving one person the “
arbitrary power
” to declare war, levy taxes or hand out favors to sustain his popularity with the plebes, the temptation to become a Caesar is too great.
Some — like Cincinnatus, George Washington or Abraham Lincoln — can resist, but all you need is one lesser mortal to be granted undue power for the whole experiment in republican government to come crashing down. This was the history of republics until 1789, which is why Ben Franklin described the end result of the Constitutional Convention as “a republic, if you can keep it.”
The founders were steeped in Roman history. The Constitution is designed to prevent such temptation. But the founders also understood that sometimes a president should have extraordinary powers during an emergency. After all, the institution of a dictator had helped preserve the Roman Republic for centuries until Caesar’s Caesarism made it an empire.
In short, emergency powers are necessary only during actual emergencies. There’s a long history of American presidents declaring emergencies not to solve a crisis but to gain the power crises confer. Joe Biden tried to use the COVID-19 pandemic to cancel $430 billion in student loans he had no authority to cancel.
President Trump has declared a trade imbalance a national emergency. He claims the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) of 1977 — a law that doesn’t mention the word “tariff” — grants him total, unchecked power to levy tariffs to deal with that emergency. He’s used that alleged authority to punish Brazil — with whom we have a
trade surplus —
because its current government is prosecuting a Trump ally who also tried to steal an election.
And just last week, Trump announced that a
pro-free trade ad
bought by the government of Ontario using the words of President Reagan is justification for raising tariffs on all of Canada by another 10 percent. Not counting oil, we have a trade surplus with Canada, too. And we buy so much oil from Canada because they sell it to us at a below-market rate.
These are not emergencies. Nor are trade deficits, generally. Is it an emergency that you have a trade deficit with your local grocery store?
Trump’s lawyers have argued that denying the president this permanent and unlimited power would be disastrous, which itself is a Caesarist argument:
I must have unchecked power to keep you safe
.
IEEPA requires Congress to review the president’s actions every six
months
. But congressional Republicans have
changed the rules
to deny themselves the ability to check the authority Trump is abusing.
Trump is not a dictator, but as Benjamin Franklin understood, republics fail not so much because would-be Caesars seize power. They fail because cowards give it to them — under the false pretense of an emergency.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is
@JonahDispatch
.
